Passage One (Clinton Is Right)
President Clinton’s decision on Apr.8 to send Chinese Premier Zhu Rongji packing without an agreement on China’s entry into the World Trade Organization seemed to be a massive miscalculation. The President took a drubbing from much of the press, which had breathlessly reported that a deal was in the bag. The Cabinet and Whit House still appeared divided, and business leaders were characterized as furious over the lost opportunity. Zhu charged that Clinton lacked “the courage” to reach an accord. And when Clinton later telephoned the angry Zhu to pledge a renewed effort at negotiations, the gesture was widely portrayed as a flip-flop.
In fact, Clinton made the right decision in holding out for a better WTO deal. A lot more horse trading is needed before a final agreement can be reached. And without the Administration’s goal of a “bullet-proof agreement” that business lobbyists can enthusiastically sell to a Republican Congress, the whole process will end up in partisan acrimony that could harm relations with China for years.
THE HARD PART. Many business lobbyists, while disappointed that the deal was not closed, agree that better terms can still be had. And Treasury Secretary Robert E. Rubin, National Economic Council Director Gene B. Sperling, Commerce Secretary William M. Daley, and top trade negotiator Charlene Barshefsky all advised Clinton that while the Chinese had made a remarkable number of concessions, “we’re not there yet,” according to senior officials.
Negotiating with Zhu over the remaining issues may be the easy part. Although Clinton can signal U.S. approval for China’s entry into the WTO himself, he needs Congress to grant Beijing permanent most-favored-nation status as part of a broad trade accord. And the temptation for meddling on Capital Hill may prove over-whelming. Zhu had barely landed before Senate Majority Leader Trent Lott (R-Miss) declared himself skeptical that China deserved entry into the WTO. And Senators Jesse A. Helms (R-N.C.) and Emest F. Hollings (D-S. C.) promised to introduce a bill requiring congressional approval of any deal.
The hidden message from these three textile-state Southerners: Get more protection for the U. S. clothing industry. Hoping to smooth the way, the Administration tried, but failed, to budge Zhu on textiles. Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, and Detroit. Zhu refused to open up much of the lucrative Chinese securities market and insisted on “cultural” restrictions on American movies and music. He also blocked efforts to allow U. S. auto makers to provide fleet financing.
BIG JOB. Already, business lobbyists are blanketing Capitol Hill to presale any eventual agreement, but what they’ve heard so far isn’t encouraging. Republicans, including Lott, say that “the time just isn’t right” for the deal. Translation: We’re determined to make it look as if Clinton has capitulated to the Chinese and is ignoring human, religious, and labor rights violations; the theft of nuclear-weapons technology; and the sale of missile parts to America’s enemies. Beijing’s fierce critics within the Democratic Party, such as Senator Paul D. Wellstone of Minnesota and House Minority leader Richard A. Gephardt of Missouri, won’t help, either.
Just how tough the lobbying job on Capitol Hill will be become clear on Apr. 20, when Rubin lectured 19chief executives on the need to discipline their Republican allies. With business and the White House still trading charges over who is responsible for the defeat of fast-track trade negotiating legislation in 1997, working together won’t be easy. And Republicans—with a wink—say that they’ll eventually embrace China’s entry into the WTO as a favor to Corporate America. Though not long before they torture Clinton. But Zhu is out on a limb, and if Congress overdoes the criticism, he may be forced by domestic critics to renege. Business must make this much dear to both its GOP allies and the Whit House: This historic deal is too important to risk losing to any more partisan squabbling

1. The main idea of this passage is
[A]. The Contradiction between the Democratic Party and the Republican Party.
[B]. On China’s entry into WTO.
[C]. Clinton was right.
[D]. Business Lobbyists Control Capitol Hill.
2. What does the sentence “Also left in the lurch: Wall Street, Hollywood, Detroit” convey?
[A]. Premier Zhu rejected their requirements.
[B]. The three places overdid criticism.
[C]. They wanted more protection.
[D]. They are in trouble.
3. What was the attitude of the Republican Party toward China’s entry into the WTO?
[A]. Contradictory.             
[B].Appreciative.
[C]. Disapproving.             
[D]. Detestful.
4. Who plays the leading part in the deal in America?
[A]. White House .             
[B]. Republicans.
[C]. The Democratic Party.       
[D]. Businessmen.
5. It can be inferred from the passage that
[A]. America will make concessions.
[B]. America will hold out for a better WTO
[C]. Clinton has the right to signal U. S. approval for China’s entry.
[D]. Democratic party approve China’s entry into the WTO.

Vocabulary
1. drubbing                        痛打
        get/take a drabbing        遭人痛打
2. flip-flop=great change suddenly      游说，突然改变，突然反方向。人字拖鞋，趾拖鞋
3. hold out                        维持，保持
        hold out for sth.         故意拖延达成协议以谋求……
4. horse –trading                   精明的讨价还价
5. bullet-proof                     防弹的
6. lobby                          收买，暗中活动
7. lobbyist                        院外活动集团成员
8. partisan                        党人，帮派，是党派强硬支持者
9. acrimony                       语言/态度的刻薄
10. sell to                          说服（某人）接受或采用
11. meddle                         干预
12. Capitol Hill                     美国国会
13. budge        

Passage Two (Europe’s Gypsies, Are They a Nation?)
The striving of countries in Central Europe to enter the European Union may offer an unprecedented chance to the continent’s Gypsies (or Roman) to be recognized as a nation, albeit one without a defined territory. And if they were to achieve that they might even seek some kind of formal place—at least a total population outnumbers that of many of the Union’s present and future countries. Some experts put the figure at 4m-plus; some proponents of Gypsy rights go as high as 15m.
Unlike Jews, Gypsies have had no known ancestral land to hark back to. Though their language is related to Hindi, their territorial origins are misty. Romanian peasants held them to be born on the moon. Other Europeans (wrongly) thought them migrant Egyptians, hence the derivative Gypsy. Most probably they were itinerant metal workers and entertainers who drifted west from India in the 7th century.
However, since communism in Central Europe collapsed a decade ago, the notion of Romanestan as a landless nation founded on Gypsy culture has gained ground. The International Romany Union, which says it stands for 10m Gypsies in more than 30 countries, is fostering the idea of “self-rallying”. It is trying to promote a standard and written form of the language; it waves a Gypsy flag (green with a wheel) when it lobbies in such places as the United Bations; and in July it held a congress in Prague, The Czech capital. Where President Vaclav Havel said that Gypsies in his own country and elsewhere should have a better deal.
At the congress a Slovak-born lawyer, Emil Scuka, was elected president of the International Tomany Union. Later this month a group of elected Gypsy politicians, including members of parliament, mayors and local councilors from all over Europe (OSCE), to discuss how to persuade more Gypsies to get involved in politics.
The International Romany Union is probably the most representative of the outfits that speak for Gypsies, but that is not saying a lot. Of the several hundred delegates who gathered at its congress, few were democratically elected; oddly, none came from Hungary, whose Gypsies are perhaps the world’s best organized, with some 450 Gypsy bodies advising local councils there. The union did, however, announce its ambition to set up a parliament, but how it would actually be elected was left undecided.
So far, the European Commission is wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation. The might, it is feared, open a Pandora’s box already containing Basques, Corsicans and other awkward peoples. Besides, acknowledging Gypsies as a nation might backfire, just when several countries, particularly Hungary, Slovakia and the Czech Republic, are beginning to treat them better, in order to qualify for EU membership. “The EU’s whole premise is to overcome differences, not to highlight them,” says a nervous Eurocrat.
But the idea that the Gypsies should win some kind of special recognition as Europe’s largest continent wide minority, and one with a terrible history of persecution, is catching on . Gypsies have suffered many pogroms over the centuries. In Romania, the country that still has the largest number of them (more than 1m), in the 19th century they were actually enslaved. Hitler tried to wipe them out, along with the Jews.
“Gypsies deserve some space within European structures,” says Jan Marinus Wiersma, a Dutchman in the European Parliament who suggests that one of the current commissioners should be responsible for Gypsy affairs. Some prominent Gypsies say they should be more directly represented, perhaps with a quota in the European Parliament. That, they argue, might give them a boost. There are moves afoot to help them to get money for, among other things, a Gypsy university.
One big snag is that Europe’s Gypsies are, in fact, extremely heterogeneous. They belong to many different, and often antagonistic, clans and tribes, with no common language or religion, Their self-proclaimed leaders have often proved quarrelsome and corrupt. Still, says, Dimitrina Petrova, head of the European Roma Rights Center in Budapest, Gypsies’ shared experience of suffering entitles them to talk of one nation; their potential unity, she says, stems from “being regarded as sub-human by most majorities in Europe.”
And they have begun to be a bit more pragmatic. In Slovakia and Bulgaria, for instance, Gypsy political parties are trying to form electoral blocks that could win seats in parliament. In Macedonia, a Gypsy party already has some—and even runs a municipality. Nicholas Gheorge, an expert on Gypsy affairs at the OSCE, reckons that, spread over Central Europe, there are now about 20 Gypsy MPS and mayors, 400-odd local councilors, and a growing number of businessmen and intellectuals.
That is far from saying that they have the people or the cash to forge a nation. But, with the Gypsy question on the EU’s agenda in Central Europe, they are making ground.

1. The Best Title of this passage is
[A]. Gypsies Want to Form a Nation.        
[B]. Are They a Nation.
[C]. EU Is Afraid of Their Growth.          
[C]. They Are a Tribe
2. Where are the most probable Gypsy territory origins?
[A]. Most probably they drifted west from India in the 7th century.
[B]. They are scattered everywhere in the world.
[C]. Probably, they stemmed from Central Europe.
[D]. They probably came from the International Romany Union.
3. What does the International Romany lobby for?
[A]. It lobbies for a demand to be accepted by such international organizations as EU and UN.
[B]. It lobbies for a post in any international Romany Union.
[C]. It lobbies for the right as a nation.
[D]. It lobbies for a place in such international organizations as the EU or UN.
4. Why is the Europe Commission wary of encouraging Gypsies to present themselves as a nation?
[A]. It may open a Pandora’s Box.
[B]. Encouragement may lead to some unexpected results.
[C]. It fears that the Basgnes, Corsicans and other nations seeking separation may raise the same demand.
[D]. Gyspsies’ demand may highlight the difference in the EU.
5. The big problem lies in the fact that
[A]. Gypsies belong to different and antagonistic clans and tribes without a common language or religion.
[B]. Their leaders prove corrupt.
[C]. Their potential unity stems from “being regarded as sub-human”.
[D]. They are a bit more pragmatic.

Vocabulary
1. albeit                         尽管，虽然
2. outnumber                     数字上超过
3. ethnic                         少数民族的成员，种族集团的成员
4. Hindi                         印地语
5. misty                         模糊不清的，朦胧的
6. derivative                      衍生的，派生的
7. itinerant               &nbs

[结构简析] Pandora’s box 潘多拉盒子——喻种种麻烦事。潘多拉是主神宙斯命火神用黏土制成的第一个女性。宙斯命潘多拉带着一个盒子下凡。潘多拉私自打开盒子，于是里面的疾病，罪恶等各种祸害全部出来，散布于世。这里潘多拉盒子喻里面已有的各种麻烦的民族，吉普塞加入，更多了一份麻烦。
[参考译文] 人们担心，若让吉普塞人作为一个民族代表，就会打开了一个潘多拉盒子，里面已经装有要独立的西班牙的巴斯克人，意大利的科西嘉人和其他难以对付的民族。

写作手法与文章大意
   文章以对比手法环绕吉普塞是不是一个民族/国家，可不可以取得合法地位这一中心而写。从人口上说，它的数量超过加入欧盟许多国家，应在欧盟中一席之底。但 人口分散在各国，他是对抗的部落，还没有共同的语言和信仰。不像犹太人，它们没有回归的祖居地。它们成立了国际联盟，也选出了领导，在布鲁塞尔开设了办事 处，想成立国会，但不知如何落实操作，只是极力游说欧盟和联合国等组织，以获得一个合法地位和发言权。这是欧盟日程表上一个问题，但欧盟等机构又担心，万 一他们取得正式地位，那些国家中正闹分离和独立的民族也会提出同样的要求，就象潘多拉盒子那样，不能打开。

答案祥解
1. B. 他们是一个民族/国家吗？整篇文章环境这一点而写，文章一开始就提出中欧入欧盟的国家会给大陆吉普塞人一个机会，承认他们是一个民族——国家，虽然没有界 定的领土（作为国家，应有领土）。吉普塞人的领袖人物也指出其人数超过欧盟中许多现在有的和将来要入盟的国家。他们至少要在欧盟中有一席之地。第二段提 出，吉普塞和犹太人不同，他们没有可回归的祖居地。他们的语言属印欧语系。英国人认为他们来自埃及及移民。最可能的是七世纪时一些流浪的手工业工人和艺人 从印度向西方流移。第三段涉及一种思想——以吉普塞文化为基础的无疆土的吉普塞民族应有个说话的地方—越来越为人接受。国际吉普塞人联盟声称代表30多个 国家的吉普塞人，做了几件事：展开自我联合，提出语言标准和书面形式，在联合国进行游说活动时挥动吉普塞国旗，在布鲁塞尔设立办事处，六月在捷克首都布拉 格召开会议。第四段集中讲到会上选出了联盟主席。一群选出吉普塞的政治家——国会议员，市长，地方政务委员再次在布拉格开会，会议由欧洲安全合作条约组织 召集，来讨论如何动员更多的吉普塞人参政。第五段涉及联盟雄心勃勃的宣布要建立国会，但如何实际操作还未落实。后面主要是外界对吉普塞的态度。第六段描述 欧盟委员会在吉普塞作为最大的大陆少数民族，历史上遭到残酷的迫害，应赢得特别承认。19世纪他们横遭奴役，希特勒企图把它们和犹太人一起消灭。第八段讲 了欧洲会议中有人提出吉普塞在欧洲机构中应有一席之地，还提议一个常务委员负责吉普塞事务。还有行动筹建建立一所吉普塞大学。后面两段讲的是困难，第九段 点出。最后一段指出，现在说他们有人有钱可以组成（国家）为时还早，可是吉普塞是欧盟中日程表上的一个问题，他们日益接近解决。从内部，外部情况分析都说 明吉普塞是一个组成国家的民族。全文都是环绕它是不是，该不该承认为民族/国家而写，所以B项他们是不是民族是最佳标题。
A. 吉普塞要想组成一个国家（民族）。这只是文章涉及到的部分内容，中欧国家想加入欧盟一事可能产生的结果。     
C. 欧盟害怕它们成长。     
D. 他们是一个部落。
2. A. 最可能是在7世纪从印度流浪到西方。见第1题第二注释。
B. 他们分散在世界各地。       
C. 可能他们源于中欧。     
D. 他们可能来自国际吉普塞人联盟。
3. D. 它们在这些国际组织，如欧盟，联合国中进行活动游说要取得一席之地。见第1题第一段，三段注释。
A. 它们游说活动欧盟和联合国接受他们的要求。太抽象。      
B. 它们活动游说在国际机构取得职位。          
C. 他们游说作为民族的权利。
4. C. 它害怕巴斯克人，科西嘉人和其它要求分裂的民族会提出同样的要求。见难句译注11。
A. 它可能会打开潘多拉盒子。此盒子在文章中只是比喻。    
B. 鼓励可能会导致某些意想不到的结果。          
D. 吉普塞的要求会加深欧盟分歧。     B,D两项不够明确。
5. A. 吉普塞人属于不同的，而且常常是对抗的民族的部落，还没有共同的语言和宗教信仰。
B. 他们领袖很腐败。     
C. 他们潜在的团结来自被人看作是低于人类（次等人）。   
D. 他们有点太讲究实效， B,C, D 三项不是主要问题。主要问题是A. 项。

Passage Three (Method of Scientific Inquiry)
Why the inductive and mathematical sciences, after their first rapid development at the culmination of Greek civilization, advanced so slowly for two thousand years—and why in the following two hundred years a knowledge of natural and mathematical science has accumulated, which so vastly exceeds all that was previously known that these sciences may be justly regarded as the products of our own times—are questions which have interested the modern philosopher not less than the objects with which these sciences are more immediately conversant. Was it the employment of a new method of research, or in the exercise of greater virtue in the use of the old methods, that this singular modern phenomenon had its origin? Was the long period one of arrested development, and is the modern era one of normal growth? Or should we ascribe the characteristics of both periods to so-called historical accidents—to the influence of conjunctions in circumstances of which no explanation is possible, save in the omnipotence and wisdom of a guiding Providence?
The explanation which has become commonplace, that the ancients employed deduction chiefly in their scientific inquiries, while the moderns employ induction, proves to be too narrow, and fails upon close examination to point with sufficient distinctness the contrast that is evident between ancient and modern scientific doctrines and inquiries. For all knowledge is founded on observation, and proceeds from this by analysis, by synthesis and analysis, by induction and deduction, and if possible by verification, or by new appeals to observation under the guidance of deduction—by steps which are indeed correlative parts of one method; and the ancient sciences afford examples of every one of these methods, or parts of one method, which have been generalized from the examples of science.
A failure to employ or to employ adequately any one of these partial methods, an imperfection in the arts and resources of observation and experiment, carelessness in observation, neglect of relevant facts, by appeal to experiment and observation—these are the faults which cause all failures to ascertain truth, whether among the ancients or the moderns; but this statement does not explain why the modern is possessed of a greater virtue, and by what means he attained his superiority. Much less does it explain the sudden growth of science in recent times.
The attempt to discover the explanation of this phenomenon in the antithesis of “facts” and “theories” or “facts” and “ideas”—in the neglect among the ancients of the former, and their too exclusive attention to the latter—proves also to be too narrow, as well as open to the charge of vagueness. For in the first place, the antithesis is not complete. Facts and theories are not coordinate species. Theories, if true, are facts—a particular class of facts indeed, generally complex, and if a logical connection subsists between their constituents, have all the positive attributes of theories.
Nevertheless, this distinction, however inadequate it may be to explain the source of true method in science, is well founded, and connotes an important character in true method. A fact is a proposition of simple. A theory, on the other hand, if true has all the characteristics of a fact, except that its verification is possible only by indirect, remote, and difficult means. To convert theories into facts is to add simple verification, and the theory thus acquires the full characteristics of a fact.

1. The title that best expresses the ideas of this passage is
[A]. Philosophy of mathematics.             
[B]. The Recent Growth in Science.
[C]. The Verification of Facts.               
[C]. Methods of Scientific Inquiry.
2. According to the author, one possible reason for the growth of science during the days of the ancient Greeks and in modern times is
[A]. the similarity between the two periods.
[B]. that it was an act of God.
[C]. that both tried to develop the inductive method.
[D]. due to the decline of the deductive method.
3. The difference between “fact” and “theory”
[A]. is that the latter needs confirmation.
[B]. rests on the simplicity of the former.
[C]. is the difference between the modern scientists and the ancient Greeks.
[D]. helps us to understand the deductive method.
4. According to the author, mathematics is
[A]. an inductive science.          
[B]. in need of simple verification.
[C]. a deductive science.           
[D]. based on fact and theory.
5. The statement “Theories are facts” may be called.
[A]. a metaphor.                 
[B]. a paradox.
[C]. an appraisal of the inductive and deductive methods.
[D]. a pun.

Vocabulary
1. inductive                   归纳法
        induction                   n.归纳法
2. deductive                   演绎法
        deduction                   n。演绎法
3. culmination                 到达顶/极点
4. conversant (with)             熟悉的，精通的
5. exercise                    运用，实行，执行仪式
        singular                    卓越的，非凡的，独一无二的
6. conjunction                 结合，同时发生
7. omnipotence                全能，无限权/威力
8. Providence                （大写）指上帝，天道，天令
9. commonplace               平凡的，陈腐的
10. inquiry                    调查，探究（真理，知识等）
11. doctrine                    教义，学说，讲义
12. correlative                  相互关联的
13. antithesis                   对立面，对偶（修辞学中），对句
14. coordinate                  同等的，并列的
15. subsist                  &nbs

Passage Four (It Is Bush)
On the 36th day after they had voted, Americans finally learned Wednesday who would be their next president: Governor George W. Bush of Texas.
Vice President Al Gore, his last realistic avenue for legal challenge closed by a U. S. Supreme Court decision late Tuesday, planned to end the contest formally in a televised evening speech of perhaps 10 minutes, advisers said.
They said that Senator Joseph Lieberman, his vice presidential running mate, would first make brief comments. The men would speak from a ceremonial chamber of the Old Executive office Building, to the west of the White House.
The dozens of political workers and lawyers who had helped lead Mr. Gore’s unprecedented fight to claw a come-from-behind electoral victory in the pivotal state of Florida were thanked Wednesday and asked to stand down.
“The vice president has directed the recount committee to suspend activities,” William Daley, the Gore campaign chairman, said in a written statement.
Mr. Gore authorized that statement after meeting with his wife, Tipper, and with top advisers including Mr. Daley.
He was expected to telephone Mr. Bush during the day. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
Yet, at the end of a trying and tumultuous process that had focused world attention on sleepless vote counters across Florida, and on courtrooms form Miami to Tallahassee to Atlanta to Washington the Texas governor was set to become the 43d U. S. president.
The news of Mr. Gore’s plans followed the longest and most rancorous dispute over a U. S. presidential election in more than a century, one certain to leave scars in a badly divided country.
It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267—the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
Mr. Gore was said to be distressed by what he and many Democratic activists felt was a partisan decision from the nation’s highest court.
The 5-to –4 decision of the Supreme Court held, in essence, that while a vote recount in Florida could be conducted in legal and constitutional fashion, as Mr. Gore had sought, this could not be done by the Dec. 12 deadline for states to select their presidential electors.
James Baker 3rd, the former secretary of state who represented Mr. Bush in the Florida dispute, issued a short statement after the U. S. high court ruling, saying that the governor was “very pleased and gratified.”
Mr. Bush was planning a nationwide speech aimed at trying to begin to heal the country’s deep, aching and varied divisions. He then was expected to meet with congressional leaders, including Democrats. Dick Cheney, Mr. Bush’s ruing mate, was meeting with congressmen Wednesday in Washington.
When Mr. Bush, who is 54, is sworn into office on Jan.20, he will be only the second son of  a president to follow his father to the White House, after John Adams and John Quincy Adams in the early 19th century.
Mr. Gore, in his speech, was expected to thank his supporters, defend his hive-week battle as an effort to ensure, as a matter of principle, that every vote be counted, and call for the nation to join behind the new president. He was described by an aide as “resolved and resigned.”
While some constitutional experts had said they believed states could present electors as late as Dec. 18, the U. S. high court made clear that it saw no such leeway.
The U.S. high court sent back “for revision” to the Florida court its order allowing recounts but made clear that for all practical purposes the election was over.
In its unsigned main opinion, the court declared, “The recount process, in its features here described, is inconsistent with the minimum procedures necessary to protect the fundamental right of each voter.”
That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court’s proceedings bore a political taint.
Justice John Paul Stevens wrote in an angry dissent:” Although we may never know with complete certainty the identity of the winner of this year’s presidential election, the identity of the loser is perfectly clear. It is the nation’s confidence in the judge as an impartial guardian of the law.”
But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
The Bush team welcomed the news with an outward show of restraint and aplomb. The governor’s hopes had risen and fallen so many times since Election night, and the legal warriors of each side suffered through so many dramatic reversals, that there was little energy left for celebration.

1. The main idea of this passage is
[A]. Bush’s victory in presidential election bore a political taint.
[B]. The process of the American presidential election.
[C]. The Supreme Court plays a very important part in the presidential election.
[D]. Gore is distressed.
2. What does the sentence “as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next step” mean
[A]. Bush hopes Gore to join his administration.
[B]. Bush hopes Gore to concede defeat and to support him.
[C]. Bush hopes Gore to congraduate him.
[D]. Bush hopes Gore go on fighting with him.
3. Why couldn’t Mr. Gore win the presidential election after he outpolled Mr. Bush in the popular vote? Because
[A]. the American president is decided by the supreme court’s decision.
[B]. people can’t directly elect their president.
[C]. the American president is elected by a slate of presidential electors.
[D]. the people of each state support Mr. Bush.
4. What was the result of the 5—4 decision of the supreme court?
[A]. It was in fact for the vote recount.
[B]. It had nothing to do with the presidential election.
[C]. It decided the fate of the winner.
[D]. It was in essence against the vote recount.
5. What did the “turbulent election of 1876” imply?
[A]. The process of presidential election of 2000 was the same as that.
[B]. There were great similarities between the two presidential elections (2000 and 1876).
[C]. It was compared to presidential election of 2000.
[D]. It was given an example.

Vocabulary
1. avenue                           通向成功/获取成功的途径/手段
2. running mate                   竞选伙伴，如作为总统的竞选伙伴，获胜后为副总统
3. pivotal                           重要的，枢纽的
4. gingerly=carefully                  小心翼翼地
5. tumultuous                        吵闹的，骚动的，激动的
6. rancorous                         充满仇恨的
7. elector 

难句译注
1.  stand down   退出竞争/竞选，辞职，推出法庭。这里指戈尔感谢这些竞争支持者后，就退出竞选。此短语的对立面是stand for 竞选。 Ex: to stand for parliament 竞选国会议员。
2. The Bush campaign kept a low profile and moved gingerly, as if to leave space for Mr. Gore to contemplate his next steps.
[结构简析] profile 外形，轮廓，外观。Low profile 低姿态，不出头露面，不惹人注意。High profile 鲜明的姿态。
3. recount committee  重新计算选票委员会。
4. …one certain to leave scars is a badly divided country.
[结构简析] election 的同位语one (election) which was certain。  Leave scar 留下伤疤。
[参考译文] 人们可以肯定计算问题在这两派分裂的国家上留下伤疤。
5. It was a bitter ending for Mr. Gore, who had outpolled Mr. Bush nationwide by some 300000 votes, but, without Florida, fell short in the Electoral College by 271votes to 267—the narrowest Electoral College victory since the turbulent election of 1876.
[结构简析] outpoll 得到的选票超过某人。Fall short (of) 缺少，不足，达不到。Electoral college 选举团票，指每一个州人民选出一群人组成选举团，由它们直接选举总统。
6. The election of 1876
这是指1876年11月7日美国内战时少将，共和党人，俄亥俄州州长卢瑟福?海因斯，在总统选举结束后，认为自己输给民主党人，纽约州长萨缪尔? 莱尔登而安息。可在第二天，因为涉嫌欺骗行为，有争议之州，如佛罗里达，路易斯安娜，南卡罗莱纳重新计票及诉讼。那一年选举结果争议持续了四个月的时间。 国会因争议，不得不推迟总统就职时间。到第二年，1877年3月4日，总统就职最后期限的前两天，国会建立了一个两党联合选举委员会：包括八名共和党人和 七名民主党人。最后该会把所有争议的选举人票都给了海因斯。结果以185票对莱尔登184张选举团票。海因斯多一票当选为美国第19任总统。2000年的 美国总统选举与1876年的很相似。所以句内提及。
7.  James Baker 3rd     贝克曾任前共和党总统里根（Ronald Reagen）政府的内阁成员和白宫办公所主任。在小布什父亲的父亲George Bush任总统时又担任过国务卿（1989——1993）。这次他是小布什为重新计票问题在法庭展开斗争的律师代表，而民主党的律师代表似乎克林顿政府中担任过国务卿的克里斯托弗Warren Christopher (1993--1997)。
8.  Dick Cheney        切尼是小布什父亲执政时的老臣。他这次出山要以辅弼大臣的资格和经验辅佐朝政。所以报道中提到he will act in the Bush administration as a president in a corporation while George W. Bush as the Chairman of the board of directors.
9. John Adams (1735—1848), 约翰?亚当斯，美国第二任总统（1979——1801），联邦党人，Federalist, 是起草独立宣言的关键人物。
10. John Quincy Adams （1767—1848） 美国第六任总统，是上述亚当斯大儿子。
11. resolved and resigned 这里指他的追随者认为戈尔坚定而又顺从（天命），因为戈尔的演说，一方面感谢他们的支持，五星期来保证每张票都应计算的努力是捍卫了原则问题，另一方面也是号召全国支持新总统。
12. It saw no such leeway.  美国高等法院认为这是没有成功的多花时间，金钱的事。和后面句内for all practical purpose the election was over 事实上选举已结束（已成定居），传达了高等法院认为重新计票毫无作用之义。
13. That decision, by a court fractured along philosophical lines, left one liberal justice charging that the high court’s proceedings bore a political taint.
[参考译文] 法院这一裁决割裂了哲学思想，使一位自由派法官（司法官）指高等法院程序沾上了政治污点。
14. But at the end of five seemingly endless weeks, during which the physical, legal and constitutional machines of the U. S. election were pressed and sorely tested in ways unseen in more than a century, the system finally produced a result, and one most Americans appeared to be willing at lease provisionally to support.
[参考译文] 经过5个似乎无休止的星期之后，这个制度总算产生了一个结果，一个大多数美国人，至少目前能暂时支持的总统。在这五星期内，有形的，法律的，政体的机器都经受了压力（都很紧张），也经受了一百多年来没有见过的这方面的沉重考验。

写作方法和文章大意
这是一篇报导，其特点先画龙点睛指出中心事实，Bush当选，戈尔退出，然后以对比手法写出胜者和败方的处理方法，前者低调，谨慎，似乎宽容，后 者似乎退让，认命，再次选举的经过，特别是最高法院的裁决，决定选举的命运点出胜败之因（因果写法）。小布什的险胜有点类似1876的选举（实例佐证）。

答案祥解
1. A. 布什在总统选举中获胜沾上了政治污点。整篇文章环绕这一点而写。文章一开始就写戈尔在高等法院裁决下退出竞选，再写布什得胜后的低调行动表示对戈尔的期 望。仁厚点出271——276选举团票布什的险胜是和全国最高法院的欺诈性裁决有关，这令戈尔痛心疾首，令布什等感恩戴德。最后集中写了高等法院司法程序 沾上了政治污点，以及当选之布什的后果——大多数美国人似乎暂时会支持。这一切说明布什胜胜不武，而戈尔却是虽败尤胜。
B. 美国总统选举过程，文章过程的焦点在布什获胜之因，不单单是过程，故B. 项不对。
C. 高等法院在总统选举中起着重要的作用。其作用是欺诈性裁决，偏袒布什获胜，是政治污点，反映了布什的手段。     
D. 戈尔很难受，这是事实，但不是中心思想。
2. B. 布什希望戈尔（能退一步）承认失败，并支持他，而戈尔确实是也这样做了。所以他的助手称戈尔为“resolved and resigned.” 坚决而又顺从天命的人。至少在他的演讲中号召人们追随新总统。
A. 布什希望戈尔参与他的政府。     
C. 布什希望戈尔祝贺他。    
D. 布什希望戈尔继续和他斗下去。
3. C. 美国的总统由选举团提名选举产生。见难句译注5和6。
A. 美国总统由高等法院裁决。       
B. 人民不能直接选举总统。这只是第一步的原因，主要原因在C.       
D. 各州人民支持布什。
4. D. 其结果实质上就是反对重新计票。这在第十二段阐述得很清楚：高等法院5比4之裁决实质上就是重新计票在12月12日州选举总统选举团的最后一天之前是不能 进行的，而戈尔曾认为弗罗里达州可以法律和宪法的形式重新计票。总统选举团一产生。总统由选举团提名选举产生，那么重新计票与否对总统选举实际上是毫无作 用，所以说5比4裁决12月12日之前……实质上就是反对重新计票。
A. 其结果实际上是支持重新计票。不对。       
B. 其结果和总统选举毫无关系，不对，关系很大，见D项注释。       
C. 其结果决定胜者的命运。
5. B. 它隐射2000年的总统选举和1876年的总统选举两者之间有着很大的相似之处。见难句译注6，海因斯认为输了，正准备放弃，谁知涉嫌欺骗行为，对有争议 的州进行重新计票。结果是海因斯以一票之差险胜。重新计票以及险胜都和2000年总统选举相似，其它方面，如以为输而没有输，重新计票州多而且起到作用 等……，都和2000年选举不同，所以只能选B项，A项完全一样是错误的。
A. 两者选举总统过程一个样。      
C. 把1876年总统选举比作2000年的总统选举。     
D. 作为例子给出。 这里没有说明。

Passage Five (Women’s Positions in the 17th Century)
Social circumstances in Early Modern England mostly served to repress women’s voices. Patriarchal culture and institutions constructed them as chaste, silent, obedient, and subordinate. At the beginning of the 17th century, the ideology of patriarchy, political absolutism, and gender hierarchy were reaffirmed powerfully by King James in The Trew Law of Free Monarchie and the Basilikon Doron; by that ideology the absolute power of God the supreme patriarch was seen to be imaged in the absolute monarch of the state and in the husband and father of a family. Accordingly, a woman’s subjection, first to her father and then to her husband, imaged the subjection of English people to their monarch, and of all Christians to God. Also, the period saw an outpouring of repressive or overtly misogynist sermons, tracts, and plays, detailing women’s physical and mental defects, spiritual evils, rebelliousness, shrewish ness, and natural inferiority to men.
Yet some social and cultural conditions served to empower women. During the Elizabethan era (1558—1603) the culture was dominated by a powerful Queen, who provided an impressive female example though she left scant cultural space for other women. Elizabethan women writers began to produce original texts but were occupied chiefly with translation. In the 17th century, however, various circumstances enabled women to write original texts in some numbers. For one thing, some counterweight to patriarchy was provided by female communities—mothers and daughters, extended kinship networks, close female friends, the separate court of Queen Anne (King James’ consort) and her often oppositional masques and political activities. For another, most of these women had a reasonably good education (modern languages, history, literature, religion, music, occasionally Latin) and some apparently found in romances and histories more expansive terms for imagining women’s lives. Also, representation of vigorous and rebellious female characters in literature and especially on the stage no doubt helped to undermine any monolithic social construct of women’s mature and role.
Most important, perhaps, was the radical potential inherent in the Protestant insistence on every Christian’s immediate relationship with God and primary responsibility to follow his or her individual conscience. There is plenty of support in St Paul’s epistles and elsewhere in the Bible for patriarchy and a wife’s subjection to her husband, but some texts (notably Galatians 3:28) inscribe a very different politics, promoting women’s spiritual equality: “There is neither Jew nor Greek, there is neither bond nor free, there is neither male nor female: for ye are all one in Jesus Christ.” Such texts encouraged some women to claim the support of God the supreme patriarch against the various earthly patriarchs who claimed to stand toward them in his stead.
There is also the gap or slippage between ideology and common experience. English women throughout the 17th century exercised a good deal of accrual power: as managers of estates in their husbands’ absences at court or on military and diplomatic missions; as members of guilds; as wives and mothers who apex during the English Civil War and Interregnum (1640-60) as the execution of the King and the attendant disruption of social hierarchies led many women to seize new roles—as preachers, as prophetesses, as deputies for exiled royalist husbands, as writers of religious and political tracts.

1. What is the best title for this passage?
[A]. Women’s Position in the 17th Century.
[B]. Women’s Subjection to Patriarchy.
[C]. Social Circumstances in the 17th Century.
[D]. Women’s objection in the 17th Century.
2. What did the Queen Elizabeth do for the women in culture?
[A]. She set an impressive female example to follow.
[B]. She dominated the culture.
[C]. She did little.
[D]. She allowed women to translate something.
3. Which of the following is Not mention as a reason to enable women to original texts?
[A].Female communities provided some counterweight to patriarchy.
[B]. Queen Anne’s political activities.
[C]. Most women had a good education.
[D]. Queen Elizabeth’s political activities.
4. What did the religion so for the women?
[A]. It did nothing.
[B]. It too asked women to be obedient except some texts.
[C]. It supported women.
[D]. It appealed to the God.

Vocabulary
1. repress                       压制，镇压，约束
2. patriarchy                    族长制，家长制
3. chaste                       贞洁的，高雅的
4. hierarchy                     等级制
5. monarch                      君主，最高统治
6. image                        象征，反映
7. overtly                       公开的，明显的
8. outpour                      倾泻
9. sermon                       布道，说教
10. tract                         政治宗教，小册子传单
11. misogynist                    反对妇女
12. shrewish                      泼妇似的，爱骂街的
13. counterweight                  抗衡
14. consort                       配偶
15. masque                       化装舞会
16. monolithic                    铁板一样的，磐石般的
17. epistle                        圣经?新约中的使徒书
18. Galatians                      新约圣经中加拉太书
19. inscribe                       写，题写，铭记

难句译注
1. Also, the period saw an outpouring of repressive or overtly misogynist sermons, tracts, and plays, detailing women’s physical and mental defects, spiritual evils, rebelliousness, shrewish ness, and natural inferiority to men.
[结构简析] 这是一种句型，年代，时间+see, find 等动词+宾语。
[参考译文] 这一时期出来许多约束或明显反对妇女的布道（教义），小册子和戏剧，详细地描述了妇女精神上和肉体上的缺陷，精神罪恶，叛逆，凶狠，天生低于男人的品性。
2. Such texts encouraged some women to claim the support of God the supreme patriarch against the various earthly patriarchs who claimed to stand toward them in his stead.
[结构简析] in one’s stead     代替某人。
[参考译文] 这样的版本鼓励有些妇女去寻求最高家长，上帝的支持，以对抗各种各样凡间家长，他们声称替代上帝对付她们。

写作方法与文章大意
   文章论述了17世纪英国妇女的地位，采用对比写作手法。一方面（第一段）英皇詹姆士重新以法律形式确定：家长制的思想体系，政治上集权主义，性别等级制。而思想意识是上帝的绝对权威；最高等级制体现在绝对君主政权上，体现在家庭的父亲和丈夫身上。所以妇女先对父亲，后对丈夫的服从体现了英国臣民对君权，全体基督徒对上帝的服从。那时代造就的妇女都是贞洁，沉默，服从，低下。
另方面，某些社会和文化因素赋予妇女以力量，首先是女皇伊丽莎白统治的时期，她本身就是一个强有力的榜样。其次一些妇女亲情关系，以及安娜女皇的分庭抗礼统治活动和舞会。再则是大多数活动妇女都受过良好教育。最重要的是有些圣经文本鼓吹妇女精神平等。
最后一段论述了英国妇女实际上有的已经掌握实权，如丈夫公务，他们管理庄园田产。

答案祥解
1. A. 17世纪英国妇女地位。见上面文章大意。
B. 妇女服从于家族制。       
D. 17世纪妇女的反抗，都是A.内容中的一部分，不能作为最佳标题。     
C. 17世纪英国社会形式，只能作为背景出现。
2. C. 她没有做什么。英女皇伊丽莎白在位时期间在文化上并没有妇女做过什么。这在第二段讲得很清楚。“伊丽莎白统治时期（1558——1603），文化领域为强有里女皇所控制，她本人确实树立了令人难忘的妇女形象，可是她并没有为其它妇女能够创作一些东西。”见前面列出之原因和下一道题的A. B. C.
3. D. 伊丽莎白女皇的政治活动。这文内没有提及。
A. 妇女亲情网对家长制进行抗衡。     
B. 安娜女皇的政治活动。       
C. 大多数妇女都受过良好教育。这三项在第二段中都提到。“首先，妇女亲情关系，如母亲，女儿，他们的亲戚网，好友；安娜女皇单独的宫殿，她那对立的化装舞会和政治活动都和族长制予以抗衡。”
4. B. 除了某些文本外，它也要求妇女服从。第一段，见上述内容。第三段集中论述这一点。“也许，最重要的是基督教固有潜在激进性。它坚持主张每个基督徒和上帝的直接关系，坚持人首先责任是服从她或他的良知。在圣?保罗使徒书以及在别的圣经中有许多对家长制，妻子对丈夫的服从支持。可是有些文本镌刻着一种完全不同的政治观点，鼓吹妇女精神平等：”人没有犹太和希腊之分，没有束缚或自由之分，没有男女之分，因为在耶酥基督面前，你们都是一样。“
A. 它什么也没有做。不对。        
C. 它支持妇女。也不对，只有某些版本支持。    
D. 它求助于上帝。它借上帝之名压制妇女。第一段：“因此，妇女首先服从父亲，然后服从丈夫，体现了（象征）英国人民服从他们的君主，所有基督徒服从上帝。”

Passage Six (The Present Is the Most Important)
Shams and delusions are esteemed for soundest truths, while reality is fabulous. If men would steadily observe realities only, and not allow themselves to be deluded, life, to compare it with such things as we know, would be like a fairy tale and the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments. If we respected only what is inevitable and has a right to be , music and poetry would resound along the streets. When we are unhurried and wise, we perceive that only great and worthy things have any permanent and absolute existence, --that petty fears and petty pleasure are but the shadow of reality. This is always exhilarating and sublime. By closing the eyes and slumbering, by consenting to be deceived by shows, men establish and confirm their daily life of routine and habit everywhere, which still is built on purely illusory foundation. Children, who play life, discern its true law and relations more clearly than men, who fail to live worthily, but who think that they are wiser by experience, that is, by failure. I have read in a Hindoo book, that “there was a king’s son, who, being expelled in infancy from his native city, was brought up by a forester, and, growing up to maturity in that state, imagined himself to belong to the barbarous race with which be lived. One of his father’s ministers having discovered him, revealed to him what he was, and the misconception of his character was removed, and he knew himself to be a prince. So soul, from the circumstances in which it is placed, mistakes its own character, until the truth is revealed to it by some holy teacher, and then it knows itself to be Brahme.” We think that that is which appears to be. If a man should give us an account of the realities he beheld, we should not recognize the place in his description. Look at a meeting-house, or a court-house, or a jail, or a shop. Or a dwelling-house, and say what that thing really is before a true gaze, and they would all go to pieces in your account of them. Men esteem truth remote, in the outskirts of the system, behind the farthest star, before Adam and after the last man. In eternity there is indeed something true and sublime. But all these times and places and occasions are now and here. God himself culminates in the present moment, and will never be more divine in the lapse of all ages. And we are enabled to apprehend at all what is sublime and noble only by the perpetual instilling and drenching of the reality that surrounds us. The universe constantly and obediently answers to our conceptions; whether we travel fast or slow, the track is laid for us. Let us spend our lives in conceiving then. The poet or the artist never yet had as fair and noble a design but some of his posterity at least could accomplish it.
1. The writer’s attitude toward the arts is one of
[A]. admiration.
[B]. indifference.
[C]. suspicion.
[D]. repulsion
2. The author believes that a child.
[A]. should practice what the Hindoos preach.
[B]. frequently faces vital problems better than grownups do.
[C]. hardly ever knows his true origin.
[D]. is incapable of appreciating the arts.
3. The author is primarily concerned with urging the reader to
[A]. look to the future for enlightenment.
[B]. appraise the present for its true value.
[C]. honor the wisdom of the past ages.
[D]. spend more time in leisure activities.
4. The passage is primarily concerned with problem of
[A]. history and economics.
[B]. society and population.
[C]. biology and physics.
[D]. theology and philosophy.
Vocabulary
1. sham 虚伪
2. delusion 欺骗
3. fabulous 荒诞无稽的，不存在的
4. exhilarating 令人高兴的
5. sublime 崇高的
6. slumber 睡眠
7. Hindoo 印度
8. Brahma 婆罗门（贵族）
9. come, fall, go to pieces 崩溃，垮台
10. culminate 达到顶点
11. lapse 时间的推移/消逝
12. apprehend 领悟，理解
13. instill （慢慢地）滴注，灌输
14. drench 浸泡，使湿透
15. posterity 子孙后代
16. look to 指望，注意

难句译注
1. If men would steadily observe realities only, and not allow themselves to be deluded, life, to compare it with such things as we know, would be like a fairy tale and the Arabian Nights’ Entertainments.
[结构简析] 虚拟条件句，主句中to compare it with… know是插入语，也有假设之意。
[参考译文] 如果人们坚持只观察现实，不让自己被蒙蔽，那么生活，把它和我们知道的事情相比较，就象神话，象一千零一夜中描述的一切。
2. When we are unhurried and wise, we perceive that only great and worthy things have any permanent and absolute existence, --that petty fears and petty pleasure are but the shadow of reality.
[结构简析] 主句中两个that. 第一个是perceive 的宾语从句。破折号的第二个 that从句是说明，对比前一个that 句。
[参考译文] 在我们冷静和明智时，我们会感到只有伟大的和有价值的东西才能永恒绝对地存在，而那些微不足道的恐惧和欢乐仅仅是现实的阴影而已。
3. By closing the eyes and slumbering, by consenting to be deceived by shows, men establish and confirm their daily life of routine and habit everywhere, which still is built on purely illusory foundation.
[参考译文] 闭上眼睛，昏昏欲睡，允许自己被表面现象所蒙蔽，人们通过这些手段来建立和确定他们的生活日程和各种习惯。这仍然是建立在幻（觉）想基础上的东西。
4. So soul, from the circumstances in which it is placed, mistakes its own character, until the truth is revealed to it by some holy teacher, and then it knows itself to be Brahme.”
[结构简析] from the circumstances in which … ，介词短语+定从，实际上都是修饰mistake
[参考译文] 从它所处的环境中出发，灵魂把自己的身份搞错了。直到某个神圣的先生揭示的事实，那时它才知道自己是个贵族。
5. We think that that is which appears to be.
[结构简析] 第一个that 是引导think的宾语从句的连接词，第二个that 是代词，作宾从中的主语，指上述“灵魂”整个句子。
[参考译文] 我们想那就是看起来那个样子（情况似乎就是那样）。
写作方法与文章大意
这是一篇从哲学角度探讨人应重视现实的论说文。采用以对比，具体实例说明的写作手法。先用虚伪和欺骗被尊为至高无上的真理一事，跟正视现实，尊重必然的东西对比，引出后者是美好生活的来源。再以大人和孩子对比，孩子更能分辨生活的规律。最后从过去，未来和现在对比，人们对过去认为就是这么一回事，崇拜遥远的一切。作者提醒人们——此时此地的现实是最重要的。
答案祥解
1. A. 钦佩。本文第三句“如果我们只尊重必然的东西，尊重有权威为必然的东西，那么音乐和诗歌会重新在街上唱诵。”本文最后一句“虽然诗人或艺术从来没有如此美好和崇高的设想，但他们有些后代至少会达到这一步的。”还有难句译注1。这些都说明作者对艺术视为崇高和美好，不是被蒙蔽的东西。
B. 漠不关心。
C. 怀疑的。
D. 排斥。多不对。
2. B. 孩子们常常比成人更好地棉队各种问题。本文第七句“孩子们游戏生活（整天只知道玩儿），却比难以很好的生活的成人们更清楚的分辨出显示生活的真正规律和种种关系。”
A. 孩子应当实践印度布道宣传的东西。
C. 几乎对其真实出身一无所知。这是讲王子的事情，不是一般孩子。
D. 难以欣赏艺术。并未提及。
3. B. 珍视目前的真正价值。这在文章倒数第五句“永恒中，确实有真实和崇高的东西存在。但是所有这一切时间，地点，机遇都是在此时此地。上帝本身在现时达到了顶峰。在今后流逝的岁月中，它绝不会更加神圣崇高。我们只有长期不断地灌输和浸润在周围现实之中，才能理解什么是崇高和神圣的东西。不论我们的步伐快还是慢，路线已为我铺定。那就让我们的生命在体会感受中度过。”作者强调现实才是人们应该抓住的。
A. 指望未来给予启迪。
C. 尊重过去的智慧。
D. 在悠闲的活动中花更多的时间。
4. D. 神学和哲学。整篇文章都传递了这两个内容，特别是哲学推理论说。
A. 历史和经济学。
B. 社会和人口。
C. 生物和物理。